Her lord and master the Minister of Revenue was meanwhile accepting
congratulations from the Chief Minister of Purva Pradesh, Shri S.S. Sharma.
Sharmaji was rather a hulking man with a perceptible limp and an unconscious
and slight vibration of the head, which was exacerbated when, as now, he had
had a long day. He ran the state with a mixture of guile, charisma and
benevolence. Delhi was far away and rarely interested in his legislative and administrative fief. Though he was uncommunicative about his discussion with
his Home Minister, he was nevertheless in good spirits.
Noticing the rowdy kids from Rudhia, he said in his slightly nasal voice to
Mahesh Kapoor:
‘So you’re cultivating a rural constituency for the coming elections?’
Mahesh Kapoor smiled. Ever since 1937 he had stood from the same urban
constituency in the heart of Old Brahmpur—a constituency that included much
of Misri Mandi, the home of the shoe trade of the city. Despite his farm and his
knowledge of rural affairs—he was the prime mover of a bill to abolish large and
unproductive landholdings in the state—it was unimaginable that he would
desert his electoral home and choose to contest from a rural constituency. By
way of answer, he indicated his garments; the handsome black achkan he was
wearing, the tight off-white pyjamas, and the brilliantly embroidered white jutis
with their up-turned toes would present an incongruous picture in a rice field.
‘Why, nothing is impossible in politics,’ said Sharmaji slowly. ‘After your
Zamindari Abolition Bill goes through, you will become a hero throughout the
countryside. If you chose, you could become Chief Minister. Why not?’ said
Sharmaji generously and warily. He looked around, and his eye fell on the
Nawab Sahib of Baitar, who was stroking his beard and looking around
perplexedly. ‘Of course, you might lose a friend or two in the process,’ he added.
Mahesh Kapoor, who had followed his glance without turning his head, said
quietly: ‘There are zamindars and zamindars. Not all of them tie their friendship
to their land. The Nawab Sahib knows that I am acting out of principle.’ He
paused, and continued: ‘Some of my own relatives in Rudhia stand to lose their
land.’
The Chief Minister nodded at the sermon, then rubbed his hands, which were
cold. ‘Well, he is a good man,’ he said indulgently. ‘And so was his father,’ he
added.
Mahesh Kapoor was silent. The one thing Sharmaji could not be called was
rash; and yet here was a rash statement if ever there was one. It was well known
that the Nawab Sahib’s father, the late Nawab Sahib of Baitar, had been an active
member of the Muslim League; and though he had not lived to see the birth of
Pakistan, that above all was what he had dedicated his life to.
The tall, grey-bearded Nawab Sahib, noticing four eyes on him, gravely
raised his cupped hand to his forehead in polite salutation, then tilted his head
sideways with a quiet smile, as if to congratulate his old friend
‘You haven’t seen Firoz and Imtiaz anywhere, have you?’ he asked Mahesh
Kapoor, after walking slowly over.
‘No, no—but I haven’t seen my son either, so I assume. . . .’
The Nawab Sahib raised his hands slightly, palms forward, in a gesture of
helplessness.
After a while he said: ‘So Pran is married, and Maan is next. I would imagine
you will find him a little less tractable.’
‘Well, tractable or not, there are some people in Banaras I have been talking
to,’ said Mahesh Kapoor in a determined tone. ‘Maan has met the father. He’s
also in the cloth business. We’re making inquiries. Let’s see. And what about
your twins? A joint wedding to two sisters?’
‘Let’s see, let’s see,’ said the Nawab Sahib, thinking rather sadly about his
wife, buried these many years; ‘Inshallah, all of them will settle down soon
enough.’